'Male Daughters Femals Husbands Essay\r'

'I chose the oblige Male daughters, pi lock inate keep ups by Ifi Amadiume. The reason I chose this spick-and-spans of honor is because I ca-ca perpetually been curious approximately the billet of wowork force in non western countries and why they were viewed as being subservient to custody by their experience as hale as the western world. Ifi Amadiume, a Nigerian sociologist with a London University doctorate, conducted research in her own family argona to psychoanalyse informal activity and awake in an African Society. Challenging the legitimate orthodoxies of socicapable anthropology, Ifi Amadiume argues that in precolonial hunting lodge, excite and perk up activity did non necessarily coincide.\r\nIn the book she examines the structures that enable wo manpower to achieve power and shows that roles are neither rigidly masculine nor feminine. This study that was conducted relates to social anthropology. The study was conducted in Nnobi, a town in the only Igb o discipline which has not been studied in star by any scientist or anthropologist. Fieldwork was conducted in Nnobi between 1980 and 1982 on the Igbo volume. As a result of the 1976 local g everyplacenwork forcet better which shared Nigeria into 19 states and 299 local governments, Nnobi became unrivalled of the towns in the Idemili local government.\r\nMost of the Igbo people were also crystallised between states. The 1963 universe census put the total ph champion number of Igbo people at 7,209,716. The study is divided into three periods: pre-colonial, when the traditional systems operated: colonial, when the British control Nigeria: and post-colonial, when Nigeria became an independent nation. There were further divisions of these periods much(prenominal) as Gender and the economy, the ideology of familiar activity, and the frequent beliefs about men and women in which we testament look into further in the side by side(p) paragraphs. First we will snap a look at sexual activity and the economy.\r\nThis was classify of the pre-colonial period. It is within this period that ideologies behind the Igbo and Nnobi , their sexual division of chore, and those establishment the relations of toil originated. As a result of bionomic factors, agricultural production was not receipts in Nnobi, so the development of a sexual division of labor and sexual practice ideology which gave women a central focalise in the subsistence economy, while men seek authority finished ritual peculiarity and ritual control. The gender ideology governing economic production was that of egg-producing(prenominal) industriousness.\r\nThe give ear of the town itself Nnobi reflects matrifocality in Nnobi horti civilisation or matricentric convention in place organization; mothers and children formed distinct, economically independent sub-compound units classified as female in relation to the male front share of the compound. There was a dual-sex organization principle behind the structure of the economy, which was supported by various gender ideologies. These principles and ideologies governed the economic activities of men and women. They also governed access to wealthiness, wives, achievement-based status and more other things within their community.\r\nMaterial wealth was converted into prestige and power through title-taking, the acquisition of more wives and more labor power, more material wealth. Wealth for men included possession of things like houses, many a(prenominal) wives and daughters, livestock, and land. Wealth for women included things like livestock, fowls, dogs’, conjure and garden crops, daughters and many wealthy and authoritative sons. Males and females symbols of wealth were genuinely standardised tear down though in principle they did not own the same things. peerless very important economic resource which women did not own was land. A pliable gender system mediated the dual-sex organizational pri nciple.\r\nNnobi confederacy was based on strict sexual dualism, whereby women’s economic and political organizations were separate from those of men. Through manipulation of gender concepts and flexible gender construction in language, the dual-sex barrier is broken down or mediated. political theory of gender guided the Igbo people, however it was viable for men and women to share attributes. The system of a couple of(prenominal) linguistic distinctions between male and female gender also makes it possible for men and women to play close to social roles in which, we ( the western world) carry rigid sex and gender association.\r\nThe Igbo language in parity with the English language, has not built up rigid associations between certain adjectives or attributes and gender subjects, nor certain objects and gender possessive pronouns. There is no usage of the record book ‘man’ to represent both sexes, neither is there the option of saying ‘he or sheâ €™, ’him or her’ , or ‘his or her’. This of linguistic system of few gender distinctions makes it possible to conceptualize certain social roles as separate from sex and gender, hence the possibility for either sex to ask the role.\r\nThis does not mean that there is no competition between the sexes, and situations in which a particular sex monopolize roles and positions. One example of a situation in which women played roles ideally occupied by men were ‘male daughters’ and ‘female husbands’; in either role, women acted as family head. The Igbo word for family head is genderless. In Nnobi society and coating, there was one head or professional person of a family at a time, and ‘male daughters’ and ‘female husbands’ were called by the same term, which translated into English would be ‘master’.\r\nThe reverse applied to those in a wife relationship to others. The Igbo word for wife is a genderless expression centre a person who belongs to the home of the master of the home. Although there were genderless words within this culture there were still general beliefs about men and women that set them apart. Men and women were talked of or judged according to the roles expected of them as rise social adults. What was stressed about men was their duty to provide for and protect their families. This culture did not stereo typewrite naughtily men.\r\n unfortunately this was not the case with women. Similar to the society we live in today everyone in this culture knew the attributes of a bad woman. mentally ill women were those who failed in their wifely and maternal duties and sentiments. This type of woman usually did not restoration care of her husband, was bad tempered, and ate intellectual nourishment without giving any to her husband. A bad woman also did not take very close care of the children. I found this to be very similar how we view ‘bad ‘wom en as well in our society. In contrast to a bad woman was the darling woman.\r\nThe good women were usually a good daughter, wife, and mother. She looked subsequently her husband, never refused him food, and made sure things almost the household were taken care of. If her husband was unable to provide for the family financially she was able to help him through her own efforts. She always protected her children from any form of danger, and if required she would even protect them from their father. The industriousness, which is what was meant by good character, was inculcated in a woman in her father’s house, and would pay dividends in her husband’s house.\r\nIn finding this book really brought about some insight how the fact that biological sex did not always correspond to ideologic gender. This meant that women could play roles usually monopolized by men, or be classified as ‘males’ in terms of power and authority over others. In contrast the Western culture and the Christian religion carried rigid gender ideologies. This gender system meant that roles are purely masculine or feminine; rift gender rules carries a sigma. In new gender realities, such women are still defined as females, however they are no longer involved in domestic female roles.\r\n'